If you've wondered, like I have, over and over what's the real rationale (sure, it could just be control of the natural resources) behind all the attacks on places in Africa and the Middle East that haven't attacked US, I bet you'll find the following thesis very interesting.
And it's been going on for soooooooo looooooooong.
No wonder it's driven the current dim-witted 'thugs around the bend.
How about we start calling this highly controversial rallying cry of the upper classes "the 'U' word" (or being afraid of the wage slaves)?
From A Tiny Revolution:
Everything You Need to Know About U.S. Foreign Policy in One Short Paragraph
This is from the March 10, 1919 diary entry of Cary Grayson, Woodrow Wilson's personal doctor:
…the President said…that if the present government of Germany is recognizing the soldiers and workers councils, it is delivering itself into the hands of the bolshevists [sic]. He said the American negro returning from abroad would be our greatest medium in conveying bolshevism to America. For example, a friend recently related the experience of a lady friend wanting to employ a negro laundress offering to pay the usual wage in that community. The negress demands that she be given more money than was offered for the reason that "money is as much mine as it is yours." Furthermore, he called attention to the fact that the French people have placed the negro soldier in France on an equality with the white men, and "it has gone to their heads."
That one paragraph truly contains everything you need to know about U.S. foreign policy:
1. It's built on a foundation on upper-class twit urban legend. Who knows what really happened with the "friend of a friend" of Woodrow Wilson. But I think we can be certain that, if the "negress" actually did exist, she didn't ask for more money than usual because she was inspired by Bolshevism to say "money is as much mine as it is yours."
This reminds me of the time shortly after the 1992 Los Angeles riots when the nephew of a huge Hollywood producer told me he'd heard that all the black people in Compton were making plans for next time, when they were going to come burn down the three B's: Brentwood, Beverly Hills and Bel Air. Sure, you bet.
2. The terrifying danger that the U.S. upper crust perceived in 1919 wasn't that the lower orders were going to stage a Bolshevik revolution. It wasn't even that they were going to try to get the right to vote and have a voice in the government. It was that they were asking for a raise.
(Also, worker councils were not a good idea that made workplaces run better, but pure revolutionary Bolshevism. If you paid attention to the right-wing freakout over the UAW trying to organize the VW plant in Chattanooga, you saw nothing whatsoever has changed.)
3. The terrifying danger wasn't coming from just any part of the lower orders, it was from the teeming non-white masses who want to take all our money.
4. What was the the natural response to the threat of a slight change in political and economic power within the U.S.? It was to invade another country (in this case, the nascent Soviet Union), together with the other main white powers, the UK and France.
You can draw a direct line from this diary entry to every foreign policy action taken by the U.S. in the past 95 years.
P.S. The house where Cary Grayson and his family once lived in Washington, D.C. is now the administration building of Sidwell Friends, the private school attended by Sasha and Malia Obama.
Meanwhile, back in Woodrow Wilson's D.C.:
In today’s issue of the HATCHET - the U. S. S. GEORGE WASHINGTON’S publication - the following despatch appeared:
BERLIN, Mar. 10, -- The first break in the general strike of the German workers took place on Sunday when the subway workers and telephone operators returned to work. This was the result of the action of the government in recognizing the soldiers and workers councils and in promising that their interests shall have consideration at the hands of the government.
After reading this article the President said that this looked bad; that if the present government of Germany is recognizing the soldiers and workers councils, it is delivering itself into the hands of the Bolshevists. He said the American negro returning from abroad would be our greatest medium in conveying Bolshevism to America. For example, a friend recently related the experience of a lady friend wanting to employ a negro laundress offering to pay the usual wage in that community. The negress demands that she be given more money than was offered for the reason that “money is as much mine as it is yours.” Furthermore, he called attention to the fact that the French people have placed the negro soldier in France on an equality with the white man, and “it has gone to their heads.”
Discussing Bolshevism, the President referred to the fact that its theory had some advantages but the trouble was that an attempt was being made to accomplish it in the wrong way. It is a very serious and grave question and one that will have a marked bearing on future business. And in speaking of business, he said that the employees do not seem to be satisfied with what is called a partnership or share of the profits.
As to profit sharing they doubt their employers when the business concern tells them that they cannot afford to give them more than, say, 10% of the profits; they often say: “We believe they can afford to give us 20%”, or sometimes they go as far as to say, even 50%, and that they (the employees) have no way of examining the books and ascertaining just what they are entitled to under this system.
The President thought it might be feasible to make the workmen partners of the business to the extent of having half of the directors from the working-class, because then they could see what is going on; they would be present at the meetings and could examine the books and have their own representatives present at all times, and in that way be convinced as to the actual conditions.
The President today said: “In 1902 I was having lunch at the Everett Hotel, New York, a quiet little hotel that I used to frequent when in New York. While there at lunch Mr. Gilder, editor of the Century Magazine, came over to my table and said: ‘I see that some one in the Indianapolis News has nominated you for President.’ I said: ‘President of what?’ He replied: ‘Why President of the United States’. To which I exclaimed: ‘That is rather a large order’. Mr. Gilder added: ‘And he isn’t a fool either’. I said: ‘I like that’. And he then began not to take me seriously but to apologize, saying that: ‘I meant to show you what a big-calibered man he is and a man of good sense and great vision’. I jokingly changed the subject. I had been recently elected President of Princeton University.”
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